Tuesday, October 11, 2016

LAND OF NOD Ubaid










LAND OF NOD Ubaid


Genesis  4:16

 And Cain went out from the presence of Jehovah, and dwelt in the land of Nod, on the east of Eden. 4:17 And Cain knew his wife; and she conceived, and bare Enoch: and he builded a city, and called the name of the city, after the name of his son, Enoch. 4:18 And unto Enoch was born Irad: and Irad begat Mehujael: and Mehujael begat Methushael; and Methushael begat Lamech. 4:19 And Lamech took unto him two wives: the name of the one was Adah, and the name of the other Zillah. 4:20 And Adah bare Jabal: he was the father of such as dwell in tents and have cattle. 4:21 And his brother’s name was Jubal: he was the father of all such as handle the harp and pipe. 4:22 And Zillah, she also bare Tubal-cain, the forger of every cutting instrument of brass and iron: and the sister of Tubal-cain was Naamah. 4:23 And Lamech said unto his wives:
Adah and Zillah, hear my voice;
Ye wives of Lamech, hearken unto my speech:
For I have slain a man for wounding me,
And a young man for bruising me:
4:24 If Cain shall be avenged sevenfold,
Truly Lamech seventy and sevenfold.








THE LAND OF NOD    

Ubaid


ities Before the Flood:   after Cain killed his brother he went into the land of "wandering" (the meaning of Hebrew nod) and built a city. Here he apparently set up a new religious system in defiance of YHVH -- "wandering" not in the countryside, but in his heart. Some indication of the earliest cities are given in Genesis 4. Cain built the first city (Genesis 4:.17), naming it after his son Enoch. This may set an early precedent for men to name cities after themselves. According to Sumerian King Lists, eight cities (at least) were built before the Flood. If the names of men were given also to these cities, we may be able to equate Eridu of the King List with Irad of Genesis 4:18 and possibly Lamech with Larak. (Hallo 1970: 64. See article on Cain.)




///////////////////////////////////////////////////////////

8500-6000 BCE: The slow transition from semi-nomadic hunter/gatherer existence to a slightly more urbane, village-centered existence takes hold in various regions of Southern AfricaEgyptIndia and the Fertile Crescent regions around this time. Specific to the Tigris-Euphrates area, early shepherd communities seem to have come down from the mountainous north, after several continuous harsh winters, to settle on the valley plain.i Villages and towns were established along the shores of the two rivers – and with these settlements livestock breeding, grain cultivation and primitive irrigation emerged as sound practice. The people of this pre-historic culture are often referred to as proto-Sumerians or the Ubaid


5000 BCE: With better resource sharing, farming & communal effort, the villages grow into towns, and towns into cities. The town of Eridu is established on the grassland marsh just south of the lower Euphrates, the oldest extant town-site in the region

3500 BCE: Better irrigation practices and food surpluses lead to increased birth rates, decreased infant mortality, and even larger communities. City-life begins to adhere, with increased specialization and more productive division of labour. UrUrukLagash & Nippur now rise alongside Eridu as the principal centers in the region. Simultaneous with the ascendance of these city-states, early cuneiform scripts are developed. Previously, as far back as 75,000 BCE, special rock tokens, bone wands or carved wooden counters had been used to calculate trade or track goods, but for the first time, in Sumer, an actual syllabic form of writing emerged for the first time beyond crude pictographic marks.

3360-2400 BCE: With these foundations, Archaic Sumerian culture flourishes and grows for centuries. Sheep, goats, milk, grain, wool, bread, honey and fish became the major components of the local market. Increased trade leads to increased competition between various competing interests leading each city-state, who begin to vie for wider control. At the same time, cultural, economic and technological exchange from Sumeria extends to Anatolia (Lower Turkey),SyriaPersia (Iran) and as far away as the Indus River valley. Internal wars between city-rulers erupt as cities begin to fortify their walls and mobilize crude, four-wheeled chariots

2400-2350 BCE: Sargon I unites Sumer into a loose confederation of city-states, the first in a chain of Mesopotamian empires. The Akkadian prince (from the hilly region north of the lower Tigris) pushes his troops3 and influence to the cedar forests of Lebanon, the silver rich Taurus Mountains of Anatolia (southern Turkey), and to the rich stone quarries of Elam (southern Iran). Trade and diplomatic missions are extended to Egypt and Ethiopia, as well as Harappa &Mohenjo-Daro on the Indus. The Akkadian Sumerians supply barley, grain, glasswork, bronze, millet, and alcohol to most of their trade partners. The raw metal resources of the Akkadians had to be imported, as there were few productive mines in the mostly marshy region. As an early example of economic interdependence, when the tin supplies of the Levant were exhausted around this time, Sumerian weapons reverted from bronze to copper

2150 BCE: The city of Akkad is invaded by Gutian forces, severing three centuries of Akkadian rule. The city of Ur, now some 80,000 souls, becomes the major political center, with provinces extending from Susa (Elam/Iran) to Byblos in LebanonZiggurats over 100 ft. high are build with baked mud bricks.

”The great storm howls above…in front of those clouds, fires burn. All our people moan. In its boulevards, where our feast were celebrated, scattered they lay. The children lay in heaps. Cry for my city! Tears for my home!” – Lament for Ur, dated est. 2000 BCE

2000 BCE: Elamites revolt against Sumerian dominion and destroy Ur. The now fragile priesthood class governing the region disperse in fear, and the unity of the region collapses. However, in Nippur, the Epic of Gilgamesh is written down for the first time, and added to an extensive library of hymns, omens, laments, aphorisms, creation tales, legends, epics, grammars and dictionaries. Amid a crumbling empire, the first organized libraries, with catalogues and indices, first appeared in Nippur.5 Sumerian writing, much like Latin, remained the lingua franca of the Near East’s literate class for another millennium.

Monday, October 10, 2016

LAND OF NOD Ubaid




















It Begins at Babel

 Tower of Babel! The beginning of the civilization of this world! It commenced as an act of rebellion against the Government of God. It began with the establishment of the Government of Man. And just as one might expect, all the ancient nations began to reckon their kings from this event  The Biblical account of the City and the Tower of Babel may be found in Genesis 11:1-9.


1And the whole earth was of one language, and of one speech.
2And it came to pass, as they journeyed from the east, that they found a plain in the land of Shinar; and they dwelt there.
3And they said one to another, Go to, let us make brick, and burn them throughly. And they had brick for stone, and slime had they for morter.
4And they said, Go to, let us build us a city and a tower, whose top may reach unto heaven; and let us make us a name, lest we be scattered abroad upon the face of the whole earth.
5And the LORD came down to see the city and the tower, which the children of men builded.
6And the LORD said, Behold, the people is one, and they have all one language; and this they begin to do: and now nothing will be restrained from them, which they have imagined to do.
7Go to, let us go down, and there confound their language, that they may not understand one another's speech.
8So the LORD scattered them abroad from thence upon the face of all the earth: and they left off to build the city.
9Therefore is the name of it called Babel; because the LORD did there confound the language of all the earth: and from thence did the LORD scatter them abroad upon the face of all the earth.



Horus, called Gilgamesh in Babylonian tradition, as we read in the following extracts from the Epic of Gilgamesh:
 

"When Gilgamesh had put on his tiara,
Glorious Ishtar raised an eye at the beauty of Gilgamesh:
'Come, Gilgamesh, be thou my lover!
Do but grant me of thy fruit.
Thou shalt be my husband and I will be thy wife'.
Gilgamesh opened his mouth to speak,
Thou art but a brazier which goes out in the cold;
A back door which does not keep out blast and .windstorm;
Pitch which soils its bearers; A waterskin which soaks through its bearer;
A shoe which pinches the foot of its owner!
Which lover didst thou love forever?
Come and I will name for thee thy lovers:
Of .... (the story of Cush is broken from the cuneiform tablet)
for Tammuz, the lover of thy youth,
Thou hast ordained wailing year after year.
them."


 

Africanus

Eusebius 

Eusebius (Armenian Version) 

Years
Years
Years
1 Menes (Cush)
62
60
30
2 Athothis (Nimrod)
57
27
25
3 Kenkenes (Horus or Gilgamesh)
31
39
39
4 Uenephes (Ishtar or Isis)
23
42
42


The account begins with the reign of Cush or Menes. He began to reign in Shinar, not in Egypt. He came to Egypt where he spent his last 30 years. Cush or Menes ruled altogether 62 years, after which Nimrod began his sole rule of 25 years. Nimrod settled in Egypt 60 years after the building of Babel, and reigned two years jointly with his father. His total reign in Egypt was therefore 27 years. Plutarch records that Osiris (Nimrod) had to flee Egypt at the end of 27 years. He was executed in the summer in his 28th year by Shem, in the month of Tammuz, the 17th day according to ancient tradition.


 
Menes (Cush)
60
2254-2194 (reign prior to coming of Nimrod) 
Athothis (Nisrod)
27
2194-2167 (total reign in Egypt)



Menes (Cush) 
62
2254-2192 (total reign of Cush) 
Athothis (Nimrod) 
25
2192-2167 (sole reign in Egypt)

Genesis
Cush came to Egypt about 2222 and united Upper and Lower Egypt under his supreme authority for 30 years -- 2222-2192. This marks the beginning of Cushite, or Ethiopian, settlement in Africa. Cush, at the time of death, may have been nearly 170 years of age.C
hapter 1////1//////






THE LAND OF NOD    

Ubaid


ities Before the Flood:   after Cain killed his brother he went into the land of "wandering" (the meaning of Hebrew nod) and built a city. Here he apparently set up a new religious system in defiance of YHVH -- "wandering" not in the countryside, but in his heart. Some indication of the earliest cities are given in Genesis 4. Cain built the first city (Genesis 4:.17), naming it after his son Enoch. This may set an early precedent for men to name cities after themselves. According to Sumerian King Lists, eight cities (at least) were built before the Flood. If the names of men were given also to these cities, we may be able to equate Eridu of the King List with Irad of Genesis 4:18 and possibly Lamech with Larak. (Hallo 1970: 64. See article on Cain.)




///////////////////////////////////////////////////////////

 Ubaid

8500-6000 BCE: The slow transition from semi-nomadic hunter/gatherer existence to a slightly more urbane, village-centered existence takes hold in various regions of Southern AfricaEgyptIndia and the Fertile Crescent regions around this time. Specific to the Tigris-Euphrates area, early shepherd communities seem to have come down from the mountainous north, after several continuous harsh winters, to settle on the valley plain.i Villages and towns were established along the shores of the two rivers – and with these settlements livestock breeding, grain cultivation and primitive irrigation emerged as sound practice. The people of this pre-historic culture are often referred to as proto-Sumerians or the Ubaid


5000 BCE: With better resource sharing, farming & communal effort, the villages grow into towns, and towns into cities. The town of Eridu is established on the grassland marsh just south of the lower Euphrates, the oldest extant town-site in the region

3500 BCE: Better irrigation practices and food surpluses lead to increased birth rates, decreased infant mortality, and even larger communities. City-life begins to adhere, with increased specialization and more productive division of labour. UrUrukLagash & Nippur now rise alongside Eridu as the principal centers in the region. Simultaneous with the ascendance of these city-states, early cuneiform scripts are developed. Previously, as far back as 75,000 BCE, special rock tokens, bone wands or carved wooden counters had been used to calculate trade or track goods, but for the first time, in Sumer, an actual syllabic form of writing emerged for the first time beyond crude pictographic marks.

3360-2400 BCE: With these foundations, Archaic Sumerian culture flourishes and grows for centuries. Sheep, goats, milk, grain, wool, bread, honey and fish became the major components of the local market. Increased trade leads to increased competition between various competing interests leading each city-state, who begin to vie for wider control. At the same time, cultural, economic and technological exchange from Sumeria extends to Anatolia (Lower Turkey),SyriaPersia (Iran) and as far away as the Indus River valley. Internal wars between city-rulers erupt as cities begin to fortify their walls and mobilize crude, four-wheeled chariots

2400-2350 BCE: Sargon I unites Sumer into a loose confederation of city-states, the first in a chain of Mesopotamian empires. The Akkadian prince (from the hilly region north of the lower Tigris) pushes his troops3 and influence to the cedar forests of Lebanon, the silver rich Taurus Mountains of Anatolia (southern Turkey), and to the rich stone quarries of Elam (southern Iran). Trade and diplomatic missions are extended to Egypt and Ethiopia, as well as Harappa &Mohenjo-Daro on the Indus. The Akkadian Sumerians supply barley, grain, glasswork, bronze, millet, and alcohol to most of their trade partners. The raw metal resources of the Akkadians had to be imported, as there were few productive mines in the mostly marshy region. As an early example of economic interdependence, when the tin supplies of the Levant were exhausted around this time, Sumerian weapons reverted from bronze to copper

2150 BCE: The city of Akkad is invaded by Gutian forces, severing three centuries of Akkadian rule. The city of Ur, now some 80,000 souls, becomes the major political center, with provinces extending from Susa (Elam/Iran) to Byblos in LebanonZiggurats over 100 ft. high are build with baked mud bricks.

”The great storm howls above…in front of those clouds, fires burn. All our people moan. In its boulevards, where our feast were celebrated, scattered they lay. The children lay in heaps. Cry for my city! Tears for my home!” – Lament for Ur, dated est. 2000 BCE

2000 BCE: Elamites revolt against Sumerian dominion and destroy Ur. The now fragile priesthood class governing the region disperse in fear, and the unity of the region collapses. However, in Nippur, the Epic of Gilgamesh is written down for the first time, and added to an extensive library of hymns, omens, laments, aphorisms, creation tales, legends, epics, grammars and dictionaries. Amid a crumbling empire, the first organized libraries, with catalogues and indices, first appeared in Nippur.5 Sumerian writing, much like Latin, remained the lingua franca of the Near East’s literate class for another millennium.

3500 BCE ubaid



3500 BCE ubaid 

 

THE LANDS OF SUMER AND AKKAD
Trend of recent archaeological research—The study of origins—The Neolithic period in the Aegean area, in the region of the Mediterranean, and in the Nile Valley—Scarcity of Neolithic remains in Babylonia due largely to character of the country—Problems raised by excavations in Persia and Russian Turkestan—Comparison of the earliest cultural remains in Egypt and Babylonia—The earliest known inhabitants of South Babylonian sites—The "Sumerian Controversy" and a shifting of the problem at issue—Early relations of Sumerians and Semites—The lands of Sumer and Akkad—Natural boundaries—Influence of geological structure—Effect of river deposits—Euphrates and the Persian Gulf—Comparison of Tigris and Euphrates—The Shatt en-Nîl and the Shatt el-Kâr—The early course of Euphrates and a tendency of the river to break away westward—Changes in the swamps—Distribution of population and the position of early cities—Rise and fall of the rivers and the regulation of the water—Boundary between Sumer and Akkad—Early names for Babylonia—"The Land" and its significance—Terminology—


EARLY CITIES AND THE RACIAL CHARACTER OF THEIR INHABITANTS
Characteristics of early Babylonian sites—The French excavations at Tello—The names Shirpurla and Lagash—Results of De Sarzec's work—German excavations at Surghul and El-Hibba—The so-called "fire-necropoles"—Jôkha and its ancient name—Other mounds in the region of the Shatt el-Kâr—Hammâm—Tell 'Îd—Systematic excavations at Fâra (Shuruppak)—Sumerian dwelling-houses and circular buildings of unknown use—Sarcophagus-graves and mat-burials—Differences in burial customs—Diggings at Abû Hatab (Kisurra)—Pot-burials—Partial examination of Bismâya (Adab)—Hêtime—Jidr—The fate of cities which escaped the Western Semites—American excavations at Nippur—British work at Warka (Erech), Senkera (Larsa), Tell Sifr, Tell Medîna, Mukayyar (Ur), Abû Shahrain (Eridu), and Tell Lahm—Our knowledge of North Babylonian sites—Excavations at Abû Habba (Sippar), and recent work at Babylon and Borsippa—The sites of Agade, Cutha, Kish and Opis—The French excavations at Susa—Sources of our information on the racial problem—Sumerian and Semitic types—Contrasts[Pg xiv] in treatment of the hair, physical features, and dress—Apparent inconsistencies—Evidence of the later and the earlier monuments—Evidence from the racial character of Sumerian gods—Professor Meyer's theory and the linguistic evidence—Present condition of the problem—The original home and racial affinity of the Sumerians—Path of the Semitic conquest—Origin of the Western Semites—The eastern limits of Semitic influence

THE AGE AND PRINCIPAL ACHIEVEMENTS OF SUMERIAN CIVILIZATION
Effect of recent research on older systems of chronology—Reduction of very early dates and articulation of historical periods—Danger of the reaction going too far and the necessity for noting where evidence gives place to conjecture—Chronology of the remoter ages and our sources of information—Classification of material—Bases of the later native lists and the chronological system of Berossus—Palaeography and systematic excavation—Relation of the early chronology to that of the later periods—Effect of recent archaeological and epigraphic evidence—The process of reckoning from below and the foundations on which we may build—Points upon which there is still a difference of opinion—Date for the foundation of the Babylonian Monarchy—Approximate character of all earlier dates and the need to think in periods—Probable dates for the Dynasties of Ur and Isin—Dates for the earlier epochs and for the first traces of Sumerian civilization—Pre-Babylonian invention of cuneiform writing—The origins of Sumerian culture to be traced to an age when it was not Sumerian—Relative interest attaching to many Sumerian achievements—Noteworthy character of the Sumerian arts of sculpture and engraving—The respective contributions of Sumerian and Semite—Methods of composition in Sumerian sculpture and attempts at an unconventional treatment—Perfection of detail in the best Sumerian work—Casting in metal and the question of copper or bronze—Solid and hollow castings and copper plating—Terra-cotta figurines—The arts of inlaying and engraving—The more fantastic side of Sumerian art—Growth of a naturalistic treatment in Sumerian design—Period of decadence

THE EARLIEST SETTLEMENTS IN SUMER; THE DAWN OF HISTORY AND THE RISE OF LAGASH
Origin of the great cities—Local cult-centres in the prehistoric period—The earliest Sumerian settlements—Development of the city-god and evolution of a pantheon—Lunar and solar cults—Gradual growth of a city illustrated by the early history of Nippur and its shrine—Buildings of the earliest Sumerian period at Tello—Store-houses and washing-places of a primitive agricultural community—The inhabitants of the country as portrayed in archaic sculpture—Earliest written records and the prehistoric system of land tenure—The first rulers of Shuruppak and their office—Kings and patesis of early city-states—The dawn of history in Lagash and the[Pg xv] suzerainty of Kish—Rivalry of Lagash and Umma and the Treaty of Mesilim—The rôle of the city-god and the theocratic feeling of the time—Early struggles of Kish for supremacy—Connotation of royal titles in the early Sumerian period—Ur-Ninâ the founder of a dynasty in Lagash—His reign and policy—His sons and household—The position of Sumerian women in social and official life—The status of Lagash under Akurgal—

WARS OF THE CITY-STATES; EANNATUM AND THE STELE OF THE VULTURES
Condition of Sumer on the accession of Eannatum—Outbreak of war between Umma and Lagash—Raid of Ningirsu's territory and Eannatum's vision—The defeat of Ush, patesi of Umma, and the terms of peace imposed on his successor—The frontier-ditch and the stelæ of delimitation—Ratification of the treaty at the frontier-shrines—Oath-formulæ upon the Stele of the Vultures—Original form of the Stele and the fragments that have been recovered—Reconstitution of the scenes upon it—Ningirsu and his net—Eannatum in battle and on the march—Weapons of the Sumerians and their method of fighting in close phalanx—Shield-bearers and lance-bearers—Subsidiary use of the battle-axe—The royal arms and body-guard—The burial of the dead after battle—Order of Eannatum's conquests—Relations of Kish and Umma—The defeat of Kish, Opis and Mari, and Eannatum's suzerainty in the north—Date of his southern conquests and evidence of his authority in Sumer—His relations with Elam, and the other groups of his campaigns—Position of Lagash under Eannatum—His system of irrigation—Estimate of his reign—

THE FALL OF LAGASH
Cause of break in the direct succession at Lagash—Umma and Lagash in the reign of Enannatum I.—Urlumma's successful raid—His defeat by Entemena and the annexation of his city—Entemena's cone and its summary of historical events—Extent of Entemena's dominion—Sources for history of the period between Enannatum II. and Urukagina—The relative order of Enetarzi, Enlitarzi and Lugal-anda—Period of unrest in Lagash—Secular authority of the chief priests and weakening of the patesiate—Struggles for the succession—The sealings of Lugal-anda and his wife—Break in traditions inaugurated by Urukagina—Causes of an increase in officialdom and oppression—The privileges of the city-god usurped by the patesi and his palace—Tax-gatherers and inspectors "down to the sea"—Misappropriation of sacred lands and temple-property, and corruption of the priesthood—The reforms of Urukagina—Abolition of unnecessary posts and stamping out of abuses—Revision of burial fees—Penalties for theft and protection for the poorer classes—Abolition of diviner's fees and regulation of divorce—The laws of Urukagina and the Sumerian origin of Hammurabi's Code—Urukagina's relations to other cities—Effect of his reforms on the stability of the state—The fall of Lagash—

EARLY RULERS OF SUMER AND KINGS OF KISH
Close of an epoch in Sumerian history—Increase in the power of Umma and transference of the capital to Erech—Extent of Lugal-zaggisi's empire, and his expedition to the Mediterranean coast—Period of Lugal-kigub-nidudu and Lugal-kisalsi—The dual kingdom of Erech and Ur—Eushagkushanna of Sumer and his struggle with Kish—Confederation of Kish and Opis—Enbi-Ishtar of Kish and a temporary check to Semitic expansion southwards—The later kingdom of Kish—Date of Urumush and extent of his empire—Economic conditions in Akkad as revealed by the Obelisk of Manishtusu—Period of Manishtusu's reign and his military expeditions—His statues from Susa—Elam and the earlier Semites—A period of transition—New light on the foundations of the Akkadian Empire—

THE EMPIRE OF AKKAD AND ITS RELATION TO KISH
Sargon of Agade and his significance—Early recognition of his place in history—The later traditions of Sargon and the contemporary records of Shar-Gani-sharri's reign—Discovery at Susa of a monument of "Sharru-Gi, the King"—Probability that he was Manishtusu's father and the founder of the kingdom of Kish—Who, then, was Sargon?—Indications that only names and not facts have been confused in the tradition—The debt of Akkad to Kish in art and politics—Expansion of Semitic authority westward under Shar-Gani-sharri—The alleged conquest of Cyprus—Commercial intercourse at the period and the disappearance of the city-state—Evidence of a policy of deportation—The conquest of Narâm-Sin and the "Kingdom of the Four Quarters"—His Stele of Victory and his relations with Elam—Narâm-Sin at the upper reaches of the Tigris, and the history of the Pir Hussein Stele—Narâm-Sin's successors—Representations of Semitic battle-scenes—The Lagash Stele of Victory, probably commemorating the original conquest of Kish by Akkad—Independent Semitic principalities beyond the limits of Sumer and Akkad—The reason of Akkadian pre-eminence and the deification of Semitic kings—

THE LATER RULERS OF LAGASH
Sumerian reaction tempered by Semitic influence—Length of the intervening period between the Sargonic era and that of Ur—Evidence from Lagash of a sequence of rulers in that city who bridge the gap—Archaeological and epigraphic data—Political condition of Sumer and the semi-independent position enjoyed by Lagash—Ur-Bau representative of the earlier patesis of this epoch—Increase in the authority of Lagash under Gudea—His conquest of Anshan—His relations with Syria, Arabia, and the Persian Gulf—His influence of a commercial rather than of a political character—Development in the art of building which marked the later Sumerian[Pg xvii] period—Evolution of the Babylonian brick and evidence of new architectural ideas—The rebuilding of E-ninnû and the elaborate character of Sumerian ritual—The art of Gudea's period—His reign the golden age of Lagash—Gudea's posthumous deification and his cult—The relations of his son, Ur-Ningirsu, to the Dynasty of Ur

THE DYNASTY OF UR AND THE KINGDOM OF SUMER AND AKKAD
The part taken by Ur against Semitic domination in an earlier age, and her subsequent history—Organization of her resources under Ur-Engur—His claim to have founded the kingdom of Sumer and Akkad—The subjugation of Akkad by Dungi and the Sumerian national revival—Contrast in Dungi's treatment of Babylon and Eridu—Further evidence of Sumerian reaction—The conquests of Dungi's earlier years and his acquisition of regions formerly held by Akkad—His adoption of the bow as a national weapon—His Elamite campaigns and the difficulty in retaining control of conquered provinces—His change of title and assumption of divine rank—Survival of Semitic influence in Elam under Sumerian domination—Character of Dungi's Elamite administration—His reforms in the official weight-standards and the system of time-reckoning—Continuation of Dungi's policy by his successors—The cult of the reigning monarch carried to extravagant lengths—Results of administrative centralization when accompanied by a complete delegation of authority by the king—Plurality of offices and provincial misgovernment the principal causes of a decline in the power of Ur

 RULERS OF ELAM, THE DYNASTY OF ISIN, AND THE RISE OF BABYLON
Continuity of the kingdom of Sumer and Akkad and the racial character of the kings of Isin—The Elamite invasion which put an end to the Dynasty of Ur—Native rulers of Elam represented by the dynasties of Khutran-tepti and Ebarti—Evidence that a change in titles did not reflect a revolution in the political condition of Elam—No period of Elamite control in Babylonia followed the fall of Ur—Sources for the history of the Dynasty of Isin—The family of Ishbi-Ura and the cause of a break in the succession—Rise of an independent kingdom in Larsa and Ur, and the possibility of a second Elamite invasion—The family of Ur-Ninib followed by a period of unrest in Isin—Relation of the Dynasty of Isin to that of Babylon—The suggested Amorite invasion in the time of Libit-Ishtar disproved—The capture of Isin in Sin-muballit's reign an episode in the war of Babylon with Larsa—The last kings of Isin and the foundation of the Babylonian Monarchy—Position of Babylon in the later historical periods, and the close of the independent political career of the Sumerians as a race—The survival of their cultural influence

 



DYNASTY OF UR AND THE KINGDOM OF SUMER AND AKKAD



DYNASTY OF UR AND THE KINGDOM OF SUMER AND AKKAD

 

Chaldean history and civilization between the age of Narâm-Sin and the rise of the city of Ur under Ur-Engur, the founder of the kingdom of Sumer and Akkad. What we now know of Lagash during this period may probably be regarded as typical of the condition of the other great Sumerian cities. The system of government, by means of which Shar-Gani-sharri and Narâm-Sin had exercised control over Sumer from their capital in the north, had doubtless been maintained for a time by their successors; but, from the absence of any trace of their influence at Tello, we cannot regard their organization as having been equally effective. They, or the Semitic kings of some other northern city, may have continued to exercise a general suzerainty over the whole of Babylonia, but the records of Lagash seem to show that the larger and more distant cities were left in the enjoyment of practical independence. The mere existence of a suzerain, however, who had inherited the throne or empire of Shar-Gani-sharri and Narâm-Sin, must have acted as a deterrent influence upon any ambitious prince or patesi, and would thus have tended to maintain a condition of equilibrium between the separate states of which that empire had been composed. We have seen that Lagash took advantage of this time of comparative inactivity to develop her resources along peaceful lines. She gladly returned to the condition of a compact city-state, without dropping the intercourse with distant countries[Pg 279] which had been established under the earlier Akkadian kings.


During this period we may suppose that the city of Ur enjoyed a similar measure of independence, which increased in proportion to the decline of Semitic authority in the north. Gudea's campaign against Anshan affords some indication of the capability of independent action, to which the southern cities gradually attained. It is not likely that such initiative on the part of Lagash was unaccompanied by a like activity within the neighbouring, and more powerful, state of Ur. In an earlier age the twin kingdoms of Ur and Erech had dominated southern Babylonia, and their rulers had established the kingdom of Sumer, which took an active part in opposing the advance of Semitic influence southwards. The subjection of Sumer by the Dynasty of Akkad put an end for a time to all thoughts of independence on the part of separate cities, although the expedition against Erech and Naksu, which occurred in the patesiate of Lugal-ushumgal, supports the tradition of a revolt of all the lands in the latter part of Sargon's reign. Ur would doubtless have been ready to lend assistance to such a movement, and we may imagine that she was not slow to take advantage of the gradual weakening of Akkad under her later rulers. At a time when Gudea was marching across the Elamite border, or sending unchecked for his supplies to the Mediterranean coast or the islands of the Persian Gulf, Ur was doubtless organizing her own forces, and may possibly have already made tentative efforts at forming a coalition of neighbouring states. She only needed an energetic leader, and this she found in Ur-Engur, who succeeded in uniting the scattered energies of Sumer and so paved the way for the more important victories of his son.

That Ur-Engur was the founder of his dynasty we know definitely from the dynastic chronicle, which was recovered during the American excavations at Nippur.[1] In this document he is given as the first king of the Dynasty of Ur, the text merely stating that he became king and ruled for eighteen years. Unfortunately the[Pg 280] preceding columns of the text are wanting, and we do not know what dynasty was set down in the list as preceding that of Ur, nor is any indication afforded of the circumstances which led to Ur-Engur's accession. From his building-inscriptions that have been recovered on different sites in Southern Babylonia[2] it is possible, however, to gather some idea of his achievements and the extent of his authority. After securing the throne he appears to have directed his attention to putting the affairs of Ur in order. In two of his brick-inscriptions from Mukayyar, Ur-Engur bears the single title "king of Ur," and these may therefore be assigned to the beginning of his reign, when his kingdom did not extend beyond the limits of his native city. These texts record the rebuilding of the temple of Nannar, the Moon-god, and the repair and extension of the city-wall of Ur.[3] His work on the temple of the city-god no doubt won for him the support of the priesthood, and so strengthened his hold upon the throne; while, by rebuilding and adding to the fortifications of Ur, he secured his city against attack before he embarked upon a policy of expansion.


first city over which he extended his authority was Erech. It would necessarily have been his first objective, for by its position it would have blocked any northward advance. The importance attached by Ur-Engur to the occupation of this city is reflected in the title "Lord of Erech," which precedes his usual titles upon bricks from the temple of the Moon-god at Ur, dating from a later period of his reign; his assumption of the title indicates that Erech was closely associated with Ur, though not on a footing of equality. That he should have rebuilt E-anna, the great temple of Ninni in Erech, as we learn from bricks found at Warka, was a natural consequence of its acquisition, for by so doing he exercised his privilege as suzerain. But he honoured the city above others which he acquired, by installing his own son there as high priest of the goddess Ninni,[Pg 281] an event which gave its official title to one of the years of his reign. We have definite evidence that he also held the neighbouring city of Larsa, for bricks have been found at Senkera, which record his rebuilding of the temple of Babbar, the Sun-god. With the acquisition of Lagash, he was doubtless strong enough to obtain the recognition of his authority throughout the whole of Sumer.

The only other city, in which direct evidence has been found of Ur-Engur's building activity, is Nippur.  he rebuilt E-kur, Enlil's great temple, and also that of Ninlil, his spouse. It was doubtless on the strength of his holding Nippur that he assumed the title of King of Sumer and Akkad. How far his authority was recognized in Akkad it is impossible to say, but the necessity for the conquest of Babylon in Dungi's reign would seem to imply that Ur-Engur's suzerainty over at least a part of the country was more or less nominal. Khashkhamer, patesi of Ishkun-Sin, whose seal is now preserved in the British Museum,[4] was his subject, and the Semitic character of the name of his city suggests that it lay in Northern Babylonia. Moreover, certain tablets drawn up in his reign are dated in "the year in which King Ur-Engur took his way from the lower to the upper country," a phrase that may possibly imply a military expedition in the north. Thus some portions of Akkad may have been effectively held by Ur-Engur, but it is certain that the complete subjugation of the country was only effected during Dungi's reign.

n the reign of Dungi, who succeeded his father upon the throne and inherited from him the kingdom of Sumer and Akkad, the whole of Northern Babylonia was brought to acknowledge the suzerainty of Ur. Considerable light has been thrown upon Dungi's policy, and indirectly upon that of the whole of Ur-Engur's dynasty, by the recently published chronicle concerning early Babylonian kings, to which reference has already been made. The earlier sections of this document, dealing with the reigns of Sargon and Narâm-Sin, are followed by a short account of Dungi's reign, from which we learn two facts of considerable significance.[5] The first of these is that Dungi "cared greatly for the city of Eridu, which was on the shore of the sea," and the second is that "he sought after evil, and the treasure of E-sagila and of Babylon he brought out as spoil." It will be noted that the writer of the chronicle, who was probably a priest in the temple of E-sagila, disapproved of his treatment of Babylon, in consequence of which he states that Bêl (i.e. Marduk) made an end of him. In view of the fact that Dungi reigned for no less than fifty-eight years and consolidated an extensive empire, it is not improbable that the evil fate ascribed to him in the chronicle was suggested by Babylonian prejudice. But the Babylonian colouring of the narrative does not affect the historical value of the other traditions, but rather enhances them. For it is obvious that the disaster to the city and to E-sagila was not an invention, and must, on the contrary, have been of some magnitude for its record to have been preserved in Babylon itself through later generations.

In Dungi's treatment of Babylon, and in his profanation of the temple of its city-god, we have striking proof that the rise of the Dynasty of Ur was accompanied by a religious as well as a political revolution. Late tradition retained the memory of Sargon's building activity in Babylon, and under his successors upon the throne of Akkad the great temple of E-sagila may well have become the most important shrine in Northern Babylonia and the centre of Semitic worship. Eridu, on the other hand, was situated in the extreme south of Sumer and contained the oldest and most venerated temple of the Sumerians. Dungi's care for the latter city to the detriment of Babylon, emphasized by contrast in the late records of his reign, suggests that he aimed at a complete reversal of the conditions which had prevailed during the preceding age. The time was ripe for a Sumerian reaction, and Ur-Engur's initial success in welding the southern cities into a confederation of states under his own suzerainty may be traced to the beginning of this racial movement. Dungi continued and extended his father's policy, and his sack of Babylon may probably be regarded as the decisive blow in the struggle, which had been taking place against the last centres of Semitic influence in the north.

 Elam under Dungi's administration formed a rich source of supply for those material products, in the lavish display of which the later rulers of Sumer loved to indulge. Her quarries, mines, and forests were laid under contribution, and her cities were despoiled of their accumulated wealth in the course of the numerous military expeditions by which her provinces were overrun. From the spoil of his campaigns Dungi was enabled to enrich the temples of his own land, and by appropriating the products of the country he obtained an abundance of metal, stone and wood for the construction and adornment of his buildings. Large bodies of public slaves supplied the necessary labour, and their ranks were constantly recruited from among the captives taken in battle, and from towns and villages which were suspected of participation in revolts. He was thus enabled to continue, on an even more elaborate scale, the rebuilding of the [Pg 293]ancient temples of his country, which had been inaugurated by his father, Ur-Engur